Suchergebnisse

While issues related to collective mobilizations have recently attracted considerable attention, little has been done to explore and explain the differential rate of participation of women in different forms of mobilization. While addressing the issues of gender within the charred ethno-politics of Darjeeling, this article will analyse women's participation in two successive waves of Gorkhaland movements, followed by the recent mobilization for recognition as scheduled tribes. In this regard, the article will highlight how the overt use of violence, followed by the response of the state, contributes significantly towards differential participation in ethnic movements. Looking at the changing ethno-politics of the Darjeeling hills, the article argues that the gender difference within social movements is produced through anchoring frames which use cultural cues to structure the repertoire of the movement.

Thus far, little attention has been paid by Foucauldian scholars to the role of laughter in our subjectivation and normalization, nor to the possible roles of laughter practices in political resistance. Yet, there is a body of references to laughter in both Foucault's own work and that of his contemporary commentators, subtly indicating that it might be a tool for challenging normalization through transgression. I seek to negotiate the different functions (both transgressive and disciplinary) that our laughter practices can have, proposing that laughter is a worthy site of exploration for Foucauldian feminists in particular. Examining the differential norms, requirements, and sanctions around laughter shows that we are shaped as gendered subjects through the regulation of laughter's timing and its bodily presentation. I argue that the contemporary state of laughter practices works to uphold docile femininity, using tools such as compulsory happiness and labelling feminists as killjoys. In brief, this article interrogates the ways in which cultivating different laughter practices can function as a path for Foucauldian-feminist political resistance.

peer-reviewed ; This article focuses on the performative recognition offered to victims through political apologies for conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). It engages with understandings of political apology as an act of acknowledgment and moral visibility that has the capacity to further include marginalized accounts of violence or injustice within exclusive national histories/memberships. I introduce feminist understandings of visibility as ambivalent alongside a differential politics of "grievability" in order to suggest that political apologies must always recognize and make visible particular accounts of violence and subject positions; however, they simultaneously obscure others. I problematize the gendered and gendering effects of this process in relation to two cases of apology for CRSV: the Japanese imperial "comfort women" and the US Abu Ghraib torture scandal during the Global War on Terror (GWoT).

Much has written about the growth of legislative in terference in collective bargaining and the right to strike in Canada in the latter part of the 20th century. However, consideration of the specifically gendered impacts of this interference has been largely neglected. This paper argues that suspension of collective bargaining rights and the right to strike impacts women workers in unique and disproportionate ways. Two cursory case studies from Ontario and Newfoundland and Labrador provide examples of how suspension of bargaining rights has a differential impact on women. The paper calls attention to the need for a heightened focus on the specifically gendered impacts of neoliberal governments' growing propensity to suspend collective bargaining rights in Canada.

In recent years, scholars have turned their attention to the nexus of mobility, space, and communication practices. At the same time, historians of information and communication technologies (ICTs) have amassed a large body of literature on the history of typewriters and their contribution to gendered office work. To date, however, these two strains have yet to converge. This article thus examines intersections between typewriting, gender, and mobility, focusing on the case of portable typewriters to investigate users' "differential" mobilities before World War II in the United States. In this regard, it reconceives of typewriters as fluid historical objects defined significantly by their social contexts. It calls upon scholars to expand their characterizations of typing beyond thinking only of it as an immobile, desk-based practice and as "women's work." Instead, it draws attention to itinerant male typists as an early class of portable typewriter users who could (and were encouraged to) travel with a typewriter in tow. More broadly, the article also contributes to understandings of mobile media histories beyond mobile phones by demonstrating similar concerns related to portability, usability, and ergonomics in the early 20th century.

Examines conclusions suggested from feminist international relations literature demonstrating gender-specific impacts, ranging from differential deprivations to declines in dowry wealth.

This article examines the gendered effects of movement participation on the subsequent lives of activists. We hypothesize that movement participation will have a differential effect on the lives of men and women both because they have different activist experiences by virtue of their gender and because the movements of the New Left questioned the gendered construction of the traditional life course. Using a national random sample, we employ logistic regression and event history models to examine the differences in employment, marriage, and childbirth patterns of men and women who participated in New Left social movements. We hypothesize that New Left activism will have affected the lives of both male and female activists, but that the effect will be stronger for women. The analyses generally confirm this hypothesis. We find significant differences in the influence of social movement participation on the economic, marital, and parenting histories of male and female activists.

This article examines the gendered effects of movement participation on the subsequent lives of activists. We hypothesize that movement participation will have a differential effect on the lives of men & women both because they have different activist experiences by virtue of their gender & because the movements of the New Left questioned the gendered construction of the traditional life course. Using a national random sample, we employ logistic regression & event history models to examine the differences in employment, marriage, & childbirth patterns of men & women who participated in New Left social movements. We hypothesize that New Left activism will have affected the lives of both male & female activists, but that the effect will be stronger for women. The analyses generally confirm this hypothesis. We find significant differences in the influence of social movement participation on the economic, marital, & parenting histories of male & female activists. 6 Tables, 41 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractAlthough some research has examined "friends with benefits" relationships (FWBRs), women's subjective accounts of FWBRs remains notably understudied. Utilizing attachment theory, scripting theory, and social constructionist theories of gender, this study drew upon qualitative interviews with a community sample of 20 women (mean age = 34, SD = 13.35) from diverse ages, races, and sexual identity backgrounds to illuminate five themes in women's FWBR narratives: (a) regulation and suppression of emotions, (b) performance and idealization of detachment and emotionlessness, (c) lack of clear communication combined with "other‐defined" experiences, (d) replication of racist and sexist scripts, and (e) transitional qualities of the relationship. Implications for the power differentials present in FWBRs, and tensions between subverting and further entrenching relationship scripts, are explored.

This article takes up the story of the female subject abandoned by Habermas in a less than hospitable public sphere. Through an analysis of letters written by Geneviève Randon de Malboissière (1746-1766) and Marie-Jeanne (Manon) Phlipon (1754-1793), it reintroduces privateness into our discussion of what it means to become a modern female subject, while introducing notions of subjectivity, practice, and construction into our understanding of the relationship of women to the public sphere. I argue that letter-writing women became conscious of themselves as modern, gendered subjects in the gap between a common experience of privateness and the differential positions defined by gender in the public sphere.

AbstractImmigration policies reflect to varying degrees the calibration and stratification of desirable knowledge. The criteria adopted have varied across countries and immigration systems. However, despite the evidence that skilled women migrate more than men, little attention has been paid to the extent to which immigration policies impact differently on women and men and result in gender inequalities, and how the valuation of skills is gendered in its criteria and outcomes. Several European states have developed policies to attract the (highly) skilled in an attempt to make themselves as competitive as possible within a knowledge economy. The key criteria are salaries and educational qualifications which, together with the differential evaluation of skills, produce gender outcomes. This article explores how European policies for the (highly) skilled produce and reinforce inequalities in gendered circulations, not just between women and men, but also in terms of intersectional differences, such as race/nationality and age.
Policy Implications


Publish more disaggregated data by gender, race/nationality and age to support analysis of the implications of immigration policies.

Develop gender‐based and intersectional assessments of immigration policies.

Encourage states and international organizations to take into account the (in)equality aspects in the development of immigration policies.

This auto-theoretical essay explores femme and butch as differential identities, expressed through the very specific gender performances of lesbian identity—fem(me)ininity and mas(k)ulinity. We revisit a night spent together as a means of cocreating the understanding of lesbian habitus and the space lesbians occupy when they come together sexually. We interrogate what this means for our own gender performances and expressions of power both within our relationship and in the broader world. Beginning with the term fe(me)ininity and moving through the call for feminist scholarship to create new language, we offer mas(k)ulinity as a new way to frame the subversive performance of butchness. We suggest that the spaces created by femme/butch pairings, ones that manifest fem(me)ininity and mas(k)ulinity, reorient power within relationships, and have the potential to disrupt patriarchal forms of gendered control.